Research Projects

Faculty of Social Work
University of Toronto

RESEARCH PROPOSAL

Funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, 1994.

Housing Experiences of New Canadians:

Comparative Case Studies of Immigrants
and Refugees in Greater Toronto

Jamaicans, Poles and Somalis

PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR

David Hulchanski, Professor, Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto.

CO-INVESTIGATORS

Robert Murdie, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, York University.
Adrienne Chambon, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto.

SUMMARY

For many new Canadians the process of finding appropriate housing can be made more difficult by the racial, financial and gender barriers which still permeate much of Canadian life. Yet Canadian social researchers are only beginning to make a significant contribution to this area of scholarship.

This research project examines in detail the means by which immigrants and refugees obtain housing, the degree to which their housing needs are being met, and the quality, adequacy and cost of the housing they obtain. The method is based on a participatory research process with three ethnic communities as case studies: Jamaicans, Poles and Somalis.

The research aims to:

1. answer substantive questions about the housing experience of immigrants and refugees in greater Toronto;

2. examine how race (as a social con-struc-tion, not a biologi-cal category), gender, and class (socio-economic status) impact on the process of obtaining housing;

3. assess the participatory approach to conducting case studies with ethnic communities; and

4. contri-bute to theory (the concept-ual framing of the interrelated dynamics involved), the reframing of social policy in this area, and the identification of further research priorities.

The particular contribution of this research is its focus on access to housing, that is, the process by which housing is obtained. Most studies examine outcomes, e.g., the nature and extent of residential segregation.

The "housing experience" of New Canadians is conceived of as having three aspects: (a) access to housing (the physical housing unit); (b) house as home and social living/working environment (the social, psycho-logical, and cultural aspects of the house); and (c) house and community (the house and home in its neighbourhood and community setting). The three factors provide a framework for guiding the information collection and analysis. They can lead to an improved understand-ing of the extent of and processes contributing to the marginalization of new Canadians in greater Toronto's housing system.

This is not a study of the initial stages of settlement. We are examin-ing the housing situation of a sample of new Canadians who have lived in Toronto for at least 18 to 36 months.

The greater Toronto area will be used as the geographic focus of this study because a very large proportion of new Canadians, about 35% of all immi-grants and refugees, tend to settle in the Toronto region (which is home to 13% of Canada's population). The study method is expected to be replicable for other regions and for other ethnic communities. Many of the findings are likely to be of rel-evance to other parts of the country where there are large numbers of recent immigrants.

The project will consist of community-based case studies using multiple methods of data collection relying on the participatory research approach. The data collection includes qualitative and quantitative survey research. The quali-tative compo-nent involves the use of focus groups, housing histories and extended open-ended interviews. The increasing use of participatory research is due to its success in helping to develop valid and meaningful instruments, ensure ethical conduct of the research and good use of findings, and to ensure co-operation by difficult-to-study populations.

1. RESEARCH PROBLEM AND RATIONALE

New Canadians can face many difficulties as they begin their lives in Canada. They also face our complex legal, social service, employment, and housing systems. It is in the process of seeking permanent housing -- especially in the higher cost housing markets of the larger metropolitan areas -- that the new-comer experiences many of these interrelated complexities. For many new Canadians the process of finding appropriate housing can be made more difficult by the racial, financial and gender barriers which still permeate much of Canadian life.

This research project examines in detail the means by which housing is obtained, the degree to which housing needs are being met, and the quality, adequacy and cost of the housing obtained. The method is based on a participatory research process with three ethnic communities as case studies: Somalis, Jamaicans and Poles. The research aims to: (i) answer substantive questions about the housing experience of immigrants and refugees in greater Toronto; (ii) examine how race (as a social con-struc-tion, not a biologi-cal category), gender, and class (socio-economic status) impact on the process of obtaining housing; (iii) assess the participatory approach to conducting case studies with ethnic commun-ities; and (iv) contri-bute to theory (the concept-ual framing of the interrelated dynamics involved), the reframing of social policy in this area, and the identification of further research priorities. This is not a study of the initial stages of settlement. We are examin-ing the housing situation of a sample of new Canadians who have lived in Toronto for at least 18 to 36 months.

2. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Conceptual Framework.

We conceive of the problem in the following manner. The nature of the "housing experience" of any group in society depends upon the broader social, cultural, political and economic dynamics of that society. For a group such as immigrants and refugees, the fact that these are new people to a particular society and to a particular geographic location, means that there are likely to be at least some problems. The likelihood of problems -- that is, the likelihood that the existing societal institutions may not adequately accom-modate the housing needs of a new group -- increases when the new group(s) are of different ethnic, cultural and linguistic origins than the majority in the country they are moving to.

The contribution of this research is its focus on access to housing, that is, the process by which housing is obtained, whereas most studies have examined outcomes, e.g., the form and extent of residential segregation (e.g., Kalbach, 1991). What do we mean by "housing"? We argue that the new Canadian's housing experience needs to be conceived of in three ways: (a) access to housing (the physical housing unit); (b) house as home and social living/working environment (the social, psychological, and cultural aspects of the house); and (c) house and community (the house and home in its neighbourhood and community setting) (see Hulchanski, 1993, 1991, 1989, 1988). In the context of these issues, new Canadians can be conceived of as having particular needs and experiences due to cultural background, family composition, lack of familiarity with Canadian society, and existing ethnic community support networks. The responses provided by existing arrangements are shaped by the institutional framework of our society (policies, practices, various forms of gatekeepers) and may or may not be suitable for meeting the needs of new Canadians. These three aspects of housing are used to define the substantive issues about which this research will collect and analyze quantitative and qualitative information.

Our research is based on the premise that for many new Canadians there are likely to be multiple aspects of disadvantage resulting from three key factors which may or may not be interconnected: race, gender and class (socio-economic status). A starting assumption to be tested is that these three factors, and the ways in which they are or are not interconnected, are crucial to understanding the dynamics relating to the housing experiences of new Canadians -- "who gets what where" out of Canada's housing system. These three factors provide a framework for guiding the information collection and analysis process and can lead to an improved understanding of the extent of and processes contributing to the marginalization of new Canadians in greater Toronto's housing system. This particular "casing" strategy moves from empirical cases to theoretical cases (Ragin, 1992). We will examine the way in which race, gender and class are played out in each of our ethnic cases. We will then compare across cases to identify the conditions under which there are commonalities and differences so as to improve/build theory. Based on the methodological theory developed by Charles Ragin (Ragin, 1987; Ragin and Becker, 1992) we seek to capture the complexity of each of the individual ethnic cases while identifying the common elements and the diverse dynamics.

2.2 Literature Review

There is growing recognition that research about the housing experience of immigrants and refugees is extremely significant. Yet there is relatively little research that focuses directly on this issue. Most of the substantive research has been undertaken in Britain and includes major studies by Henderson and Karn (1987), Smith (1989), Sarre, Phillips and Skellington (1989) and Peach and Byron (1993).

Perhaps the most extensive evaluation undertaken to date of the housing experiences of immigrants is Sarre, Phillips and SkellingtonŐs (1989) study of Bedford, England. In many ways, this study comes closest to the work proposed here. Sarre, Phillips and Skellington undertook a detailed examination of the housing experiences of West Indians, Indians, Italians and white British in Bedford using both closed and open ended questions. There are differences, however, between the Bedford study and our proposed research. The most important of these is locality. Although Bedford is a relatively cosmopolitan city it contains only about 100,000 people and is therefore much smaller than Toronto. The small size of Bedford allowed the researchers to undertake a two stage sample, first identifying the ethnic minority households and then conducting interviews with a random sample of each group. However, as the authors admit, this was a time-consuming and difficult task, even for a relatively small city and is not likely to be practical for a large metropolitan area like Toronto.

Very little is known about the housing experiences of immigrants and refugees in Canada. There is a large body of literature on various aspects of ethnicity and race but little of it is focused on housing and access to housing. We have identified only three organizations in Canada which have recently carried out related research. These are: the Calgary Catholic Immigration Society, Housing Needs and General Well-being of Immigrants and Refugees in Calgary (July 1992, 82 pages); the Race Relations Committee of Kitchener-Waterloo, Racial Discrimination and Rental Accommodation in Kitchener-Waterloo (1991, 15 pages) and Substandard Housing in Kitchener-Waterloo: A Focus on Ethnic Minorities (1992, 14 pages); and the Manitoba Interfaith Immigration Council, The Relationship Between Newcomer Tenants and their Landlords, 1990. These recent Canadian works are all relatively small and exploratory. They relate to smaller and less complex housing markets than greater Toronto's. None permit detailed disaggregation by ethnic group.

In addition to these studies the City of Toronto Refugee Housing Study (November 1992), commissioned by the City's Housing Department, is an exploratory study of the experience of refugees in securing housing in Toronto. This study indicates that housing experiences vary between families and probably between groups but the sample size is too small to draw generalizations. We will extend this work by considering the housing experiences of larger samples of three ethnic groups over a longer time horizon.

We also examined several sets of literature that relate to the major substantive themes of the research. Much of the literature concerns experiences in the United States and Western Europe. The most important Canadian material is identified below.

(a) Ethnic/Racial Segregation, Discrimination and Housing. There is recent literature on ethnic and racial segregation (e.g., Balakrishnan and Kralt, 1987; Fairbairn and Khatun, 1989; Lavigne, 1987; Mercer, 1989; Ray and Moore, 1991) and on racial discrimination in Canadian urban housing markets (e.g., Anderson, 1991; Henry, 1989; Hilton, Potvin and Sachdev, 1989; Hulchanski, 1993; Murdie, 1993; Quann, 1979). Most of this literature is broad in scope and there are very few case studies concerning racial discrimination in Canadian housing markets. This study will build on and contribute empirically to the Canadian literature as well as the more extensive U.K. and U.S. literature (e.g., Bauman, 1987; Denton and Massey, 1991; Galster, 1991; Galster & Constantine, 1991; Housing Policy Debates, 1992; Huttman et al., 1991; Turner et al., 1991).

(b) Class and Housing. There is an emerging literature on class and housing in Canada, much of which is historical. For example, Hiebert (1991, 1993a, 1993b) has undertaken detailed studies using primary data sources of the relationships between class and ethnicity in Winnipeg and Toronto for the first part of the twentieth century. In a broader context, Harris (1986) has examined the relationships between home ownership and class through the twentieth century and Pratt (1986) has analysed the association between political values and housing tenure in urban Canada. The results from the Harris study indicate increased class polarization in tenure. These studies provide an important contextual background for the proposed research.

(c) Gender and Housing. This research will also contribute to the small but growing literature on gender and housing (e.g., Boyd, 1986; Klodawsky and Spector, 1989; MacKenzie, 1988; Wekerle and Novac, 1991). There is little empirical research in the area of gender-based discrimination in Canadian housing markets. This project should be able to generate findings relating to the situation of immigrant and refugee women in our case studies. It will also complement ongoing research in greater Toronto by Peake on the settlement experience of Guyanese immigrant women and by Giles and Preston on labour markets and immigrant women.

(d) Demographic Trends. Statistics Canada, through articles in its Canadian Social Trends, has been releasing brief analyses of demographic trends relating to immigrants and visible minorities. There is also an important literature on the demography of Canadian immigrants, but few works on the groups we propose to study (Halli, Trovato & Driedger, 1990; Breton et al., 1990; Beaujot, 1991 Chap. 4; Neuwirth, 1989a & 1989b; Ralston, 1988; Siad 1991).

(e) Participatory Research. A methodo-logical aim of this study is to adopt, use and then assess participatory research in the Canadian urban multi-cultural context. There is substantial literature on relevant theory and experience (Brown & Tandon, 1983; Fischer, 1990; Hall, 1981; Maguire, 1987; Sarri & Sarri, 1992; Ward et al., 1991). One of the acknowledged experts in participatory research methods is Professor Budd L. Hall (Department of Adult Education, OISE, University of Toronto) who will be a consulting advisor to the research team on the participatory component and will assist in the assess-ment of its application.

3. RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

The two broad objectives are:

1. to answer substantive questions and to contribute to theory about the housing experience of immigrants and refugees in greater Toronto;

2. to test the value of the participatory research method in an urban multi-cultural context.

• The substantive objectives include: to learn about the experi-ences of recent immigrant groups in accessing housing in greater Toronto; to improve the knowledge base about the housing situation of new Canadians in greater Toronto; to learn about the underlying processes contributing to the housing problems of new Canadians; and to identify the implications of these findings for improving planning and policy making with regard to housing immigrants and refugees.

• The methodological objectives are: to learn more about the process of doing participatory research with new Canadians and to disseminate these findings; to carry out the research in a way which includes the active participation of immigrant communities; and to gather information and disseminate it in a fashion which is accessible to and usable by new Canadians in addressing their housing needs.

  
  

Three Substantive Topics for the Data Collection Phase. There are three categories of substantive issues:

1. Access to Housing (the physical housing unit): housing history (of individuals and families from landing to the present); housing information; housing options (e.g., tenure, form); housing quality; housing price and personal finances; discrimination; perceptions of institutions that are part of the urban housing market.

2. House as Home and Social Living/Working Environment (the social, psychological, cultural aspects of the house): cultural appropriateness of the size and layout of the house; adaptation to changed housing circumstances; personal safety issues; how the home is functioning for child rearing, housework, and work in the house; appropriateness of the house design and layout for domestic labour; significance of furnishings and possessions; personal meaning attached to the house (in home country and now in Canada); cultural difficulties (e.g., problems with neighbours or landlord).

3. House and Community (the house and home in its neighbourhood (physical) and community (social, cultural) setting): socio-cultural neighbourhood mix; access to social, medical, information services; access to leisure activities; access to language services; access to legal services; access to shops, schools and places of worship; role of the community in securing employment and other financial support; cultural difficulties, conflicts, discrimination, and racism; role of the house in facilitating the development of community.

   
   

4. RESEARCH PLAN AND METHODOLOGY

The project will consist of community-based case studies using multiple methods of data collection relying on the participatory research approach. The data collection includes qualitative and quantitative survey research, with an emphasis on in-depth qualitative interviews. The qualitative component involves the use of focus groups, housing histories and extended open-ended interviews.

The sample population will be drawn from three ethnic groups in greater Toronto. The cases were selected based on theoretical and empirical considerations. All three cases will be "recent" new Canadian groups, i.e., the sample population from each group will have lived in Toronto for at least18 to 36 months.

The three ethnic groups were selected so as to have two visible minorities (i.e., "black") represented, the Somalis and Jamaicans, and one "non-visible" ethnic group (i.e., "white"), the recent wave of Polish immi-grants. The non-visible group will serve as a limited form of control on analyzing racial discrimination, one of the main objectives of the research. An Eastern European group was selected because there may be a large wave of Eastern European immigrants in the coming years due to the dramatic changes occurring in that part of the world. The new Polish immigrants are also of interest because there is a long established Polish-Canadian community in Toronto, raising questions about the extent and nature of support coming from within the existing Polish community. This may produce potentially significant findings relating to comparisons with the experience of a totally new group, the Somalis, and with a relatively recent new group which has an established community in Toronto, but not for as long (i.e., the Jamaicans).

The decision to use the participatory approach is based on the need to offset the limitations of standard approaches to data collection in cross-cultural situations, which include weakness in how measures are developed and, once developed, whether they are meaningful. Measures developed without involvement of representatives of the subject groups may fall prey to poor validity exemplified by instruments that may be culturally insensitive, may use non-relevant or difficult to understand categories and terms, and may not capture the reality of the subjects' experience (Becerra & Zambrana, 1985). Furthermore, accountability to marginalized communities in the conduct of research is an ethical consideration as is the aim of reducing barriers to participation in research (Yu & Liu, 1986). Through the series of "Housing New Canadians" workshops held since November 1991, a working relationship with the three ethnic groups, via relationships with representatives of each group, has already been established. The increasing use of participatory research is due to its success in helping to develop valid and meaningful instruments, ensure ethical conduct of the research and good use of findings, and to ensure co-operation by difficult-to-study populations.

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